Introduction

According to the Radio France International – Afrique, December the fourth 1999, “for the first time Kabila’s government based in Democratic Republic of Congo’s capital Kinshasa, has publicly recognized for the first time that the city of Basankusu, which is located in the north east of capital Mbandaka, in the province of Equateur was captured by the elements supported by the troops from Uganda”. In addition, Kabila’s regime has accused the involvement of UNITA. According to French journalists, the troops of Kabila plus Zimbabwean and Namibian forces have lunched a counter offensive in the region of Equateur. The cause of the fall is because a shortage of fuel, and Kabila was furious because the money for the purchase of fuel was stolen by army responsibles. Meanwhile, a civilian aircraft with Russian pilot was delivering munitions to Kabila’s troop but sardonically they delivered for rebels. At the end, the journalist suggests that the next goal for Uganda, Rwanda and rebel is to attack the capital Mbandaka which is the door to attain Kinshsa.

At the same day, BBC – Africa has reported that “the speakman of RCD, the Rally for Democracy in Congo (Rassemblement Congolais pour la Democratie) of Jean Pierre Bemba, confirmed the lost of town of Bakongo in the north of the country. Indicated by BBC, speakman King Malomba said that the town was surrender by the soldiers of Kabila backing by Zimbabwean and Rwandese fighters, this is the most obvious violation of Lusaka cease faire, and rebels will fight back. However, BBC – Africa morning news of December 6, 1999, conducted a close interview with J.P Bemba him self, confirmed that Jean Pierre Bemba have captured the town of Basankusu, with 170 governmental soldiers and three Russians pilots. Bemba has also decided to move his head quarter from Gbadolite (captured few weeks before) to Basankusu, and accused Kabila to kill the people and his soldiers.

The reason that I start my essay by quoting two news reports from two distinctive reputed international news agencies backed by two northern democratic governments is not because I want to have a essay based on “I accuse”. Nevertheless, it is presumably difficult to get accurate information from either RFI or BBC. The stake of my research is heavy, and I am aware that lots of information which I got from different news papers, political magazines and news agencies are not clear and trustful. As the result, by prevention I have to say that my research paper and political analyze base on the nature of current Congolese civil war could be the fruit of western informational manipulation.

In May 1997, the troops of Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (ADFL) captured Kinshasa, the capital of Republic of Zaire. This event marked the end of Mobutu’s dictatorship era of more than three decades, with his family and entourage, Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko fled the Kinshasa to the neighboring Togo, then to his long time friend King Hassan II’s Morocco, where he died few month later. His ousting, by a coalition of neighbors bent on revenge for Mobutu's meddling in their affairs, was hailed as proof that post-colonial Africa had come of age: without facilitate from the West, Africans could now solve their own problems. And his successor, a little-known rebel leader called Laurent Kabila, was welcomed by the citizen of Kinshasa for promising to wipe out Mobutu's Kleptocratic legacy and introduce democracy, clean government and an economic reconstruction. The first political decision of Kabila was to change the name of Zaire back to its original name, Congo. Hence, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was central Africa because of the unprecedented scale of outside intervention. Combatants from foreign powerhouses supporting Kabila’s Congo government include the armed forces of Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia, and Chad. On the opposing side is an alliance of Rwanda, Uganda, major Buyoya’s Burundi troop apparently participates lightly as an ally of Rwanda and Uganda. Additional reports show a Sudanese aid to Kabila, in the form of bombing raids on Kisangani and other northern towns. Libya reportedly has aided Kabila and in particular has supported the Chadian troops. The nature of foreign involvement is odd, but it is clear that the rich natural resources of Congo Kinshasa are a main factor. Currently, Ugandans is exporting Congolese diamonds while Zimbabwe barters military support of Kabila for a stake in the copper and cobalt industry of Katanga (in the southeast, bordering Zambia and Angola). Some journalists argued that the real reason for the President Sam Nujoma of Namibia and Mugabe of Zimbabwe reborn.

Mobutu as an old tree was cut down; however, Laurent Desire Kabila knew, that for the interested of this coalition, he is only a means. The ultimate moment is to come for him to auto-proclaim the presidency and to secure his power. This presidency was not unanimously accepted, and other claimed the high governmental posts. For example, the veteran of anti-Mobutist movement, Etienne Tshisekedi, declared “a post no lower that the premiere ship”. At the same time, the tension between Kabila and Rwanda rise. As the result of this post revolutionary political confusion, few months later, the newborn Democratic Republic of Congo starts to experience the syndromes of the unfortunate consequences of revolutionary movement; it is the war again. Yet, the originality is that in one sense, it is a civil war and a foreign invasion at the same time.

The complication of the Congolese case is rare; in fact the foundation of such antagonism is based upon the relationship between each clan’s interests vis-à-vis of others. The sovereign nations who are involved officially and informally are at least seven and the numbers of Congolese armed participants are 47 (Africa Confidential 10 September 1999).

The stake is dangerous, not only to the survival of the young Congolese state but also to peace throughout the region of to engage in Congolese war is because they do have a personal tie with Congolese diamond sector, a typical Kleptocratic ruling elite’s interest. According to the news report of Radio France international-Afrique of December 1^st, 1999. In the city of Mbuji-Mayi in Kasai Oriental, the ex-capital of Congolese diamond now become the font line between Kabila’s Force Armee Congolaise vs. Congolese rebellion le Rassemblement Congolais pour la Democratie (RCD) and Rwanda troops. Soldiers from Zimbabwe and Namibian who controlled the city currently are exploiting the rich local diamond mines. In addition, according to this report, certain troops of Kabila and RCD are often smoking cigarettes together.

As far as the Congolese rebellion are concerned, these groups are mostly constructed upon political parties, ethnicity or simply by the leaderships. In certain case, because the weak ideological believe and foreign manipulation, thus, one political party may divided into few groups under different leaderships, such as the case for Le Rassemblement Congolais pour la Democratie (RCD) or Congolese Rally for Democracy, a consequences of a growing divisions between Rwanda and Uganda bakers.

In addition of groups based upon political beliefs and leadership, the internal rebels have also ethnic group of such as Mai-Mai tribal militias and most importantly Banyamulenges, a problem issued from the former Belgian Congo. Since Banyamulenges played a major factor in the cause of the fall of Mobutu and current Congolese civil war, the question of Banyamulenges will be developed concretely in the section of historical background of Congo Kinshasa.

The recent peace agreement signed in Lusaka, Zambia in Juliet and August 1999 under mediation of South Africans, Zambians and the supervision of United Nations did actually stop the fighting for a brief moment until a Sunday morning. It was November 7^th, according to AFP, AP and BBC, several rebel leaders admitted that they have retaking the combat. For what reason? They argue that Kabila attacked their bases at first. Despite to be considered as a major winner during the negotiation in Zambia last Juliet, Jean Pierre Bemba, leader of Mouvement de Libération Congolais (MLC) declared his forces will not consider the Lusaka peace accord anymore. The cause, 300 Kabila’s men attacked MLC camps located in Zongo, near north Congolese border with Central African Republic in previous Friday. As the result of this even, my analyze will not only focus on the examination of the past confrontations between different belligerence, which by my understanding should be classified from the take over of Kinshasa in May 1997 to the summer 1999, but too, on the future progress of war. Consequently, my essay will be based upon four main sections.

I. Without taking in consideration the historical factor of Grand Lake region, legacy from the epoch of Belgian Congo, this research will ambiguously fail to explain why every thing in this war have to do with hutus and tutsis? Why the involvement of regional power houses such as Uganda, Rwanda, Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe, South Africa, or Burundi. And first of all, why the first factor of the downfall of Marechal Mobutu are Banyamulenges from Kivu? Consequently, the beginning part of my research will be a brief preface on the history of Congo, followed by the important factors of the downfall of Mobutu Ses Seko’s regime: from the rebellion of the Banyamulenge, located in the Kivu-Sud Province in October 1996, to the formation of the rebels’ coalition of ADFL with implication of non Congolese military forces.

II. In order to understand the “Congolese civil war” which is under Congolese eyes a war start with foreigners, played by the foreigners but on the territory of the second large nation of Africa, I am investigating on the different historical background and personality of each major head of protagonist and the nature or interest of their involvement. From Laurent Desire Kabila, Jean Pierre Bemba to Pr. Ernest Wamba Dia Wamba passing through different African statesmen such as President Robert Mugabe or Major Buyoya of Burundi. Hence the second part of my essay will be the elucidation of: What are the causes of current civil war in DRC under the presidency of Laurent Desire Kabila?

III. The third part will be the comparison between firstly, Huntingtonian theory and the case of Congo Kinshasa. Secondly, the theory of Blainey, if both side consider them as militarily advantageous them other? Followed by if this is a case of Uni-polarity without hegemony? And at the end, two charts 1) degree of casualty, 2) Richardson numerical application.

IV. Because of the break fire by certain ambitious rebel leaders on the early

November 1999, the stake of Lusaka accord especially its credibility is under test, the UN, US and EU members, South Africa and Zambia are directly concerned with the unpredictable future of Grand Lake crisis. Consequently the last part of my essay will focus on the post Lusaka accord era: The importance of Lusaka peace accord, why all belligerents signed? What is in their interest to do so? Why the abandon of accord by certain clans, and the evaluation of the post Lusaka agreement events.